• More Than Just Words

    For evil to triumph, it only needs that the good do nothing.

    If you're not part of the solution, you're part of the problem.

    If you don't stand for something, you'll fall for anything.

    The question is not whether we will be extremists, but what kind of extremists we will be. The nation and the world are in dire need of creative extremists.

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The New Updated 2nd Edition of Psyclone is Out!

From the new Centre of the Psyclone blog

Updated Psyclone 2nd Edition Cover

Not only that, but it’s free to download in a variety of formats for a limited time. If you’re looking for or want to give someone something more than entertainment or distraction, something that actually connects to usable information that improves and even changes lives, go download it.

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Psyclone

So what is Psyclone about? 

front coverPsyclone is a novel with a difference. Its function is to connect people with information that is being kept from them. It achieves this not only through the novel itself, which is packed with little-known, suppressed, and censored information, but also through an 85-page appendix that provides the reader with all the research and data sources used by the author. A dedicated website serves as an additional appendix and hosts streaming video content from a variety of radical and contemporary filmmakers and journalists.

The information in Psyclone can be grouped into Problems and Solutions. There are various groups and individuals out there who are doing an excellent job of raising awareness about the various problems we face. Knowing how things got to the state they’re in, the players in the game and their strategies is essential. Psyclone doesn’t stop there and presents scientifically tried and tested technology and techniques, and leading-edge thinking that have the potential to stimulate a radical shift individually, socio-politically and globally, and ‘quantum-jump’ an evolutionary advancement throughout the human race.

The following is a list of some of the content keywords considered for inclusion in the novel’s metadata:

Psychological Operations/PsyOps, Revolution,General Strike,Conscience Campaign, Freedom Fighters,Conscious Evolution,Human Potential, Civil Disobedience, Lawful Rebellion, Life After Death, Mind Control, Out Of Body Projection, Remote Viewing, Resistance, Suicide Bombing, Telepathy, Terrorism, Torture, War, Resistance, Cognitive Dissonance, Surveillance Self-Defence, War Profiteering, DU/Depleted Uranium, U.S. Drug Trafficking and Paedophile Prostitution, Vaccination Dangers, Mobile Phones, Celldar, Echelon, Martial Law, Grand Chessboard, London Bombings 7th July 2005, Urban Guerrilla, Global Financial Meltdown, Synthetic Telepathy, Mind Control, ID Cards, Internet Threats, Psychological Freedom, Civil Disobedience, Prozac, ADHD, Ritalin, Motionless Electromagnetic Generator, Microchips, Silver Colloid, Fluoridation, Education, Operation Paperclip, Milgram experiment, Zimbardo experiment, Shock Doctrine, Mammograms, Scalar Technology… 

As I said, a novel with a difference. Another difference is that since its release, as well as the hardcopy which has been available through most usual (and a few unusual!) channels, Psyclone has been made available by its independent publisher free in a variety of ebook formats. The reasoning behind that is the primary aim of the book, which is to connect people with important information, not making money.

2nd EditionThe new ebook-only edition has consolidated Psyclone’s function as a unique reference resource. The main difference between the 1st and 2nd editions is the presence of footnote reference numbering throughout the body text. The numbers are active hyperlinks which link to the relevant entry in the comprehensive appendix database. Each entry features a URL to an external datasource where readers can find additional and supporting data. The high level of interactivity that this enables is the essence of the Psyclone project. Psyclone is participatory. Being a spectator is no longer an option with a future. The future is in our hands.

The free download offer ends Friday.

Click here for the PDF

All formats are available through The Centre of the Psyclone

 

 

 

Specific suggestion: General strike

By Garret Keizer

Awake and sing, ye that dwell in dust.
—Isaiah 26:19

1.

Of all the various depredations of the Bush regime, none has been so thorough as its plundering of hope. Iraq will recover sooner. What was supposed to have been the crux of our foreign policy—a shock-and-awe tutorial on the utter futility of any opposition to the whims of American power—has achieved its greatest and perhaps its only lasting success in the American soul. You will want to cite the exceptions, the lunch-hour protests against the war, the dinner-party ejaculations of dissent, though you might also want to ask what substantive difference they bear to grousing about the weather or even to raging against the dying of the light—that is, to any ritualized complaint against forces universally acknowledged as unalterable. Bush is no longer the name of a president so much as the abbreviation of a proverb, something between Murphy’s Law and tomorrow’s fatal inducement to drink and be merry today.

If someone were to suggest, for example, that we begin a general strike on Election Day, November 6, 2007, for the sole purpose of removing this regime from power, how readily and with what well-practiced assurance would you find yourself producing the words “It won’t do any good”? Plausible and even courageous in the mouth of a patient who knows he’s going to die, the sentiment fits equally well in the heart of a citizen-ry that believes it is already dead.

2.

Any strike, whether it happens in a factory, a nation, or a marriage, amounts to a reaffirmation of consent. The strikers remind their overlords—and, equally important, themselves—that the seemingly perpetual machinery of daily life has an off switch as well as an on. Camus said that the one serious question of philosophy is whether or not to commit suicide; the one serious question of political philosophy is whether or not to get out of bed. Silly as it may have seemed at the time, John and Yoko’s famous stunt was based on a profound observation. Instant karma is not so instant—we ratify it day by day.

The stream of commuters heading into the city, the caravan of tractor-trailers pulling out of the rest stop into the dawn’s early light, speak a deep-throated Yes to the sum total of what’s going on in our collective life. The poet Richard Wilbur writes of the “ripped mouse” that “cries Concordance” in the talons of the owl; we too cry our daily assent in the grip of the prevailing order— except in those notable instances when, like a donkey or a Buddha, we refuse to budge.

The question we need to ask ourselves at this moment is what further provocations we require to justify digging in our heels. To put the question more pointedly: Are we willing to wait until the next presidential election, or for some interim congressional conversion experience, knowing that if we do wait, hundreds of our sons and daughters will be needlessly destroyed? Another poet, César Vallejo, framed the question like this:

A man shivers with cold, coughs, spits up blood.
Will it ever be fitting to allude to my inner soul? . . .
A cripple sleeps with one foot on his shoulder.
Shall I later on talk about Picasso, of all people?

A young man goes to Walter Reed without a face. Shall I make an appointment with my barber? A female prisoner is sodomized at Abu Ghraib. Shall I send a check to the Clinton campaign?

3.

You will recall that a major theme of the Bush Administration’s response to September 11 was that life should go on as usual. We should keep saying that broad consensual Yes as loudly as we dared. We could best express our patriotism by hitting the malls, by booking a flight to Disney World. At the time, the advice seemed prudent enough: avoid hysteria; defy the intimidations of murderers and fanatics.

In hindsight it’s hard not to see the roots of our predicament in the readiness with which we took that advice to heart. We did exactly as we were told, with a net result that is less an implicit defiance of terrorism than a tacit amen to the “war on terror,” including the war in Iraq. Granted, many of us have come to find both those wars unacceptable. But do we find them intolerable? Can you sleep? Yes, doctor, I can sleep. Can you work? Yes, doctor, I can work. Do you get out to the movies, enjoy a good restaurant? Actually, I have a reservation for tonight. Then I’d say you were doing okay, wouldn’t you? I’d say you were tolerating the treatment fairly well.

It is one thing to endure abuses and to carry on in spite of them. It is quite another thing to carry on to the point of abetting the abuse. We need to move the discussion of our nation’s health to the emergency room. We need to tell the doctors of the body politic that the treatment isn’t working—and that until it changes radically for the better, neither are we.

4.

No one person, least of all a freelance writer, has the prerogative to call or set the date for a general strike. What do you guys do for a strike, sit on your overdue library books? Still, what day more fitting for a strike than the first Tuesday of November, the Feast of the Hanging Chads? What other day on the national calendar cries so loudly for rededication?

The only date that comes close is September 11. You have to do a bit of soul-searching to see it, but one result of the Bush presidency has been a loss of connection to those who perished that day. Unless they were members of our families, unless we were involved in their rescue, do we think of them? It’s too easy to say that time eases the grief—there’s more to it than that, more even than the natural tendency to shy away from brooding on disasters that might happen again. We avoid thinking of the September 11 victims because to think of them we have to think also of what we have allowed to happen in their names. Or, if we object openly to what has happened, we have to parry the insinuation that we’re unmoved by their loss.

It is time for us to make a public profession of faith that the people who went to work that morning, who caught the cabs and rode the elevators and later jumped to their deaths, were not on the whole people who would sanction extraordinary rendition, preemptive war, and the suspension of habeas corpus; that in their heels and suits they were at least as decent as any sneaker-shod person standing vigil outside a post office with a stop the war sign. That the government workers who died in the Pentagon were not by some strange congenital fluke more obtuse than the high-ranking officers who thought the invasion of Iraq was a bad idea from the get-go. That the passengers who rushed the hijackers on Flight 93 were not repeating the mantra “It won’t do any good” while scratching their heads and their asses in a happy-hour funk.

An Election Day general strike would set our remembrance of those people free from the sarcophagi of rhetoric and rationalization. It would be the political equivalent of raising them from the dead. It would be a clear if sadly delayed message of solidarity to those voters in Ohio and Florida who were pretty much told they could drop dead.

5.

But how would it work? A curious question to ask given that not working is most of what it would entail. Not working until the president and the shadow president resigned or were impeached. Never mind what happens next. Rather, let our mandarins ask how this came to happen in the first place. Let them ask in shock and awe.

People who could not, for whatever reason, cease work could at least curtail consumption. In fact, that might prove the more effective action of the two. They could vacate the shopping malls. They could cancel their flights. With the aid of their Higher Power, they could turn off their cell phones. They could unplug their TVs.

The most successful general strike imaginable would require extraordinary measures simply to announce its success. It would require sound trucks going up and down the streets, Rupert Murdoch reduced to croaking through a bullhorn. Bonfires blazing on the hills. Bells tolling till they cracked. (Don’t we have one of those on display somewhere?)

Ironically, the segment of the population most unable to participate would be the troops stationed in the Middle East. Striking in their circumstances would amount to suicide. That distinction alone ought to suffice as a reason to strike, as a reminder of the unconscionable underside of our “normal” existence. We get on with our lives, they get on with their deaths.

As for how the strike would be publicized and organized, these would depend on the willingness to strike itself. The greater the willingness, the fewer the logistical requirements. How many Americans does it take to change a lightbulb? How many Web postings, how many emblazoned bedsheets hung from the upper-story windows? Think of it this way: How many hours does it take to learn the results of last night’s American Idol, even when you don’t want to know?

In 1943 the Danes managed to save 7,200 of their 7,800 Jewish neighbors from the Gestapo. They had no blogs, no television, no text messaging—and very little time to prepare. They passed their apartment keys to the hunted on the streets. They formed convoys to the coast. An ambulance driver set out with a phone book, stopping at any address with a Jewish-sounding name. No GPS for directions. No excuse not to try.

But what if it failed? What if the general strike proved to be anything but general? I thought Bush was supposed to be the one afraid of science. Hypothesis, experiment, analysis, conclusion—are they his hobgoblins or ours? What do we have to fear, except additional evidence that George W. Bush is exactly what he appears to be: the president few of us like and most of us deserve. But science dares to test the obvious. So let us dare.

6.

We could hardly be accused of innovation. General strikes have a long and venerable history. They’re as retro as the Bill of Rights. There was one in Great Britain in 1926, in France in 1968, in Ukraine in 2004, in Guinea just this year. Finns do it, Nepalis do it, even people without email do it . . .

But we don’t have to do it, you will say, because “we have a process.” Have or had, the verb remains tentative. In regard to verbs, Dick Cheney showed his superlative talent for le mot juste when in the halls of the U.S. Congress he told Vermont Senator Patrick Leahy to go fuck himself. He has since told congressional investigators to do the same thing. There’s your process. Dick Cheney could lie every day of his life for all the years of Methuselah, and for the sake of that one remark history would still need to remember him as an honest man. In the next world, Diogenes will kneel down before him. In this world, though, and in spite of the invitation tendered to me through my senator, I choose to remain on my feet.

“United we stand,” isn’t that how it goes? But we are not united, not by a long shot. At this juncture we may be able to unite only in what we will not stand for. The justification of torture, the violation of our privacy, the betrayal of our intelligence operatives, the bankrupting of our commonwealth, the besmirching of our country’s name, the feckless response to natural disaster, the dictatorial inflation of executive power, the senseless butchery of our youth—if these do not constitute a common ground for intolerance, what does?

People were indignant at the findings of the 9/11 Commission—it seems there were compelling reasons to believe an attack was imminent!—yet for the attack on our Constitution we have evidence even more compelling. How can we criticize an administration for failing to act in the face of a probable threat given our own refusal to act in the face of a threat already fulfilled? As long as we’re willing to go on with our business, Bush and Cheney will feel free to go on with their coup. As long as we’re willing to continue fucking ourselves, why should they have any scruples about telling us to smile during the act?

7.

Between undertaking the strike and achieving its objective, the latter requires the greater courage. It requires courage simply to admit that this is so. For too many of us, Bush has become a secret craving, an addiction. We loathe Bush the way that Peter Pan loathed Captain Hook; he’s a villain, to be sure, but he’s half the fun of living in Never-Never Land. He has provided us with an inexhaustible supply of editorial copy, partisan rectitude, and every sort of lame excuse for not engaging the system he represents. In that sense, asking “What if the strike were to fail?” is not even honest. On some level we would want it to fail.

Certainly this would be true of those who’ve declared themselves as presidential candidates and for whom the Bush legacy represents an unprecedented windfall of political capital. One need only speak a coherent sentence—one need only breathe from a differently shaped smirk—to seem like a savior. Ding-dong, the Witch is dead. Already I can see the winged monkeys who signed off on the Patriot Act and the Iraq invasion jumping up and down for joy. Already I can hear the nauseating gush: “Such a welcome relief after Bush!” Relief, yes. But relief is not hope.

How much better if we could say to our next administration: Don’t talk about Bush. We dealt with Bush. We dealt with Bush and in so doing we demonstrated our ability to deal with you. You have a mandate more rigorous than looking good beside Bush. You need a program more ambitious than “uniting the country.” We are united—at least we were, if only for a while, if only in our disgust. If only I believed all this would happen.

I wrote this appeal during the days leading up to the Fourth of July. I wrote it because for the past six and a half years I have heard the people I love best—family members, friends, former students and parishioners—saying, “I’m sick over what’s happening to our country, but I just don’t know what to do.” Might I be pardoned if, fearing civil disorder less than I fear civil despair, I said, “Well, we could do this.” It has been done before and we could do this. And I do believe we could. If anyone has a better idea, I’m keen to hear it. Only don’t tell me what some presidential hopeful ought to do someday. Tell me what the people who have nearly lost their hope can do right now.

Pioneers of Peace

“The youth that refuse military service are the pioneers of a warless world.”- Albert Einstein


In Israel all high school leavers are required by law to join the Israeli military and perform a period of military service. The Shministim are Israeli teenagers who have been imprisoned for refusing to serve in an army that occupies the Palestinian Territories. Jewish Voice for Peace are campaigning on behalf of the young Israeli prisoners of conscience with a campaign called December 18th, the launch date in 2008 of a global campaign to release them from jail.

The following are photos and testimony of some of the Shministim.

Name: Tamar Katz

Age: 19

Location: Tel-Aviv

Why I am one of the Shministim:

“I refuse to enlist in the Israeli military on conscientious grounds. I am not willing to become part of an occupying army, that has been an invader of foreign lands for decades, which perpetuates a racist regime of robbery in these lands, tyrannizes civilians and makes life difficult for millions under a false pretext of security.”

First Sentence: 28th Sept. – 10th Oct. 2008 (12 days)Second Sentence: 12th – 30th Oct. 2008(18 days)Third Sentence: 1st – 22nd Dec. 2008 (21 days)

Read more…

Name: Yuval Ophir-Auron

Age: 19

Why I am one of the Shministim:

“I am convinced that it is no one but ourselves who determines that it is our fate to live by the sword. There is another way, which is not the way of war. This is the path of dialogue, of understanding, of concession, forgiveness, of peace. I believe that a person should take responsibility and feel reconciled to the way he chooses. This is why I shall not join an army behind whose actions I cannot stand and whose behavior I cannot justify.”

First Sentence: 24th Nov. – 5th Dec. 2008 Second Sentence: 12th – 7th – 14th December 2008

Read more…

Name: Raz Bar-David Varon

Age: 18

Location: Tel-Aviv

Why I am one of the Shministim:

“I wasn’t born to serve as a soldier who occupies another, and the struggle against the occupation is mine too. It is a struggle for hope, for a reality that sometimes feels so far away. I have a responsibility for this society. My responsibility is to refuse.”

First Sentence: 3rd – 21st Nov. 2008 (18 days)Second Sentence: 24th Nov. – 30th Nov. 2008 (6 days)Third Sentence: 21st Dec. – 9th Jan (currently in prison)

Read more…

Name: Omer Goldman

Age: 19

Location: Tel-Aviv

Why I am one of the Shministim:

“I believe in service to the society I am part of, and that is precisely why I refuse to take part in the war crimes committed by my country. Violence will not bring any kind of solution, and I shall not commit violence, come what may.”

First Sentence: 22nd Sept. – 10th Oct. 2008 (18 days)Second Sentence: 12th – 24th Oct. 2008 (10 days)

Read more…

Name: Mia Tamarin

Age: 19

Location: Tel-Aviv

Why I am one of the Shministim:

“I cannot become part of an organization the purpose of which is to fend off violence by violence, because it stands unequivocally contrary to everything I believe in and to my whole life. There always is another, non-violent option, and it is this option that I choose.”

First Sentence: 28th Sept. – 10th Oct. 2008 (12 days)Second Sentence: 12th – 24th Oct. 2008 (12 days)Third Sentence:5th – 23rd Nov 2008 (18 days)

Read more…

Name: Sahar Vardi

Age: 18

Location: Jerusalem

Why I am one of the Shministim:

“I realize that the soldier at the checkpoint is not responsible for the wretched policy of the oppressor towards civilians, I am unable to relieve that soldier of responsibility for his conduct … I mean the human responsibility of not causing another human being to suffer.”

First Sentence: 25th – 31st Aug. 2008 (6 days)Second Sentence: 12th – 30th Oct. (18 days)Third Sentence: 3rd – 21st Nov. 2008 (18 days)

Read more…

Name: Udi Nir

Age: 19

Location: Tel-Aviv

Why I am one of the Shministim:

“I will not lend my own hand to the occupation and to acts that contradict my most basic values: human rights, democracy and the personal responsibility each and every human being bears towards fellow human beings.”

Sentence: Aug. 21st – Sept. 7th 2008 (18 days)

Read more…

A Peace-Producing Proposal (1)

Before presenting the proposal, I feel it would be helpful to point out the need, in case there are those reading this who can’t see one.

By now it should be obvious to everyone that the systems in place and processes at work within those systems aren’t working in favour of the long-term general well-being of the planet and its inhabitants. Also obvious is that the way things are set up and run only benefits a small percentage, those positioned at the top of the sociopolitical pyramid. Dictators and democratically elected representatives alike seem to be doing everything they can to enrich themselves and entrench their position whilst denying the rest of the population the freedoms and rights that are ours as sovereign individuals and co-inhabitants.

Several notable and perceptive people have pointed out that those world controllers perched at the top of the pyramid display mentalities and behaviour  that can be accurately as psychopathic. John Lennon, before his murder by Mark David Chapman said, “Our society is run by insane people for insane objectives. I think we’re being run by maniacs for maniacal ends and I think I’m liable to be put away as insane for expressing that. That’s what’s insane about it.”

The following two articles provide data that supports the statement.

THE PSYCHOPATH – The Mask of Sanity. A Special Research Project of the Quantum Future School

Twilight of the Psychopaths by Dr. Kevin Barrett

New York Times bestselling author William Rivers Pitt (War On Iraq (with Scott Ritter), The Greatest Sedition is Silence) said, ‘The People versus the Powerful is the oldest story in human history. At no point in history have the Powerful wielded so much control. At no point in history has the active and informed involvement of the People, all of them, been more required.’

A statement in the appendix of Psyclone states that ‘Empires come and go. Aside from their moral bankruptcy, it’s been the combined actions of little people that have brought them crashing down, like termites undermining the foundations of a building.’

All around the world we see little people, those lower levels of the pyramid, realising their situation and reconnecting with their sociopolitical voice and power and getting involved in creating a change.

This proposal centres around another much-needed change that I feel we, all of us, every single one of us, can take part in bringing about.

As pointed out by Dr Barrett in the above article civilisation is largely the creation of psychopaths. All civilisations have been based on slavery and “warfare”, the latter term being a euphemism for mass murder. He goes on to describe the recipe for civilisation thus:

1) Use lies and brainwashing to create an army of controlled, systematic mass murderers;

2) Use that army to enslave large numbers of people (i.e. seize control of their labour power and its fruits);

3) Use that slave labour power to improve the brainwashing process (by using the economic surplus to employ scribes, priests, and PR men). Then go back to step one and repeat the process.

A simplistic description you might say, but it describes a process that can be seen being perfected by, going back to the earlier example given, the US. As pointed out in Psyclone, war is the US’s biggest industry and export.

Fascism has more properly been called corporatism because it is the merger of state and corporate power. When looked at from an overall perspective, the activities of the Military-Industrial-Governmental (congressional/parliamentary) Complex provide the biggest threat to the welfare of the planet and all those living on it. The raping and pillaging of lives, rights, and resources across the world, and direct and indirect domino-effect of the war industry is the single biggest travesty of and threat to our species.

Seven years ago US attorney  David G. Mills described what has only become clearer and more obvious now in the article It’s the Corporate State, Stupid. In it he quotes a study by Dr Lawrence Britt The 14 Defining Characteristics of Fascism which include:

  • Disdain for the recognition of Human Rights
  • The identification of scapegoats or enemies as a unifying cause
  • Supremacy of the military
  • Cronyism and governmental corruption
  • Control of the media
  • Disdain for intellectuals and the arts (which should ring bells with those protesting about recent cuts in education funding)

So what can we do about it?  If we go back to the pyramid analogy, which isn’t so much analogy as an accurate representation of the system, it can be seen that the foundation of the structure atop which the select few enjoy the most is the wide base comprised of that majority who struggle with the least. Here I’ll quote from Psyclone again:

‘That’s why we’ve got the media, the microwave muzzle, Anti-Terrorist laws, Patriot Acts, et cetera. If the lower levels of the pyramid got restless, it could bring their carefully managed structure down.’
‘Yeah, crushing a lot of little people at the bottom.’
‘We’re not talking civil war, Dan; we’re talking civil disobedience. No meaningful social reforms in history were brought about without a struggle. No struggle, no progress. Those who say they want freedom and yet argue against agitation want crops without ploughing up the ground. They want rain without thunder and lightning. The struggle may be moral or physical or both, but it must be a struggle. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will.
‘And anyway, the routine functioning of this society is far more violent than any reaction against it could ever be. Think of the number of children that the present system allows to starve to death each day as a result of foreign policies, embargoes, and national debt, and then add to that the thousands it actively shoots and bombs.’

Which doesn’t answer the question what can we do about it. That’s because the answer, or rather answers, can’t be summed up in a convenient soundbite-sized chunk.

Relatively recent history provides an example of what people can do to slow the march of the Military-Industrial-Governmental monster. Back in the 1960’s and 70’s conscientious people took it on themselves to bring an end to the war in Vietnam, a war with many parallels to that going on in Iraq and Afghanistan today. The Conscientious Objectors section of the Centre of the Psyclone details some historical and current anti-war actions.

Psyclone the novel and the Centre of the Psyclone are the result of around five years of research, development, and production. The whole reason for devoting the last five years of my life to the project was an attempt to create change by connecting people with information that was and is being kept away from them; information such as that provided in the Solutions section, where you can find over a dozen  sub-sections that detail ways we can all create positive change individually and globally.

Psyclone can be downloaded free from the Centre of the Psyclone.

Peace

A Book to Change the World

Psyclone is a story, ‘an amazing story’, of what’s going on in the world and what we, every one of us, can do to make it better.

Classified as Contemporary Fiction,  every piece of information and fact conveyed through internal and external dialogue in the novel with one exception is based on facts and information expanded on and linked to in an 86-page appendix. Within the appendix you will find a ream of suppressed and censored information that could change your life and change the world.

We are in a special, privileged, “information rich” position with access to more information via the Internet than it’s possible to read or digest in a single human lifetime. There is no reason why we can’t understand who we truly are and where we are going. There is no reason why the average individual can’t be fully empowered. We can accelerate the transition of our species out of the “era of slavery” into the era of physical and spiritual freedom if we study, analyse, question and act on the information in Psyclone.

This kind of  information needs to be shared between as many people as possible.

For that reason, as well as being available in hardcopy online through the Centre of the Psyclone website and everywhere else books are sold, it can also be freely downloaded in a variety of eformats (epub, mobi, pdf) from the Centre of the Psyclone and multiple online sources.